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How has Russian aggression in Ukraine influenced Russian speakers in Estonia?

A simple answer does not reflect a complicated situation. However, many observers have noted the apparent reticence of Russian speakers when asked for their opinion.

Some observers have commented that prior to the Ukrainian crisis, which has received practically universal condemnation in the west, Russian speakers were ready and willing to offer their candid thoughts on all topics irrespective of their controversial or emotionally-charged nature.

Specifically Russian speaking youth at Kohtla-Järve were interviewed this past spring after they had completed school curriculum courses in national defence – something new in the educational program. It was expected that these courses would boost their sense of Estonian patriotism in comparison to the level it was before the courses.

In general the students were reticent about answering these questions saying they wanted to avoid anything political. When asked their opinions on the situation in Ukraine, the class room was dead silent. Discussion of the Ukrainian crisis, at least at that school, was a taboo topic. Even when the faculty were approached, specifically those instructors involved in the national defence courses, the interviewer did not get any discussion. It was impossible to discern how patriotic Russian speaking students and instructors answered when asked directly.

A campaign to raise food stuff and general aid for Ukraine ended in disappointment. Estonians were cynical about the soliciting stating that corruption was likely involved. Residents with Ukrainian roots were enthusiastically supportive of the effort. But Russian speakers? Again they didn't want any involvement. They didn't criticize Ukraine neither did they praise Putin. The topic once again was taboo. (These observations were from north-east Estonia, with a heavy Russian speaking population.)

Perhaps avoidance in commenting on Russia's aggression stems from historical loyalties? Perhaps it's unwillingness to reveal one's opinion knowing full well the opinion of the Estonian-speaking interviewer? It might fear of recrimination, like in Russia, where most dissent has been repressed? Whatever the motivation was it was compelling enough to trigger such response.

Dr. Sirje Keen as recently noted Russian intellectuals making their observations public without aligning themselves with Putin's aggressive stance. She sees some Russian speaking journalists having a different take on loyalties of Russian speakers in Estonia. Sergei Metlev, in a July 23 article in Eesti Express wrote: "It's tough being a Russian right now. Putin has deceived us all these years, claiming that he wants Russia to rise from its subservient position. It's actually the Soviet Union he's bringing back to life. This is an undignified deception that still has the approval of the people. The notion Russia and the West are ideological enemies is making a vigorous come-back that for over two decades was a non-issue.

"In Estonia, not only is there rapid revival of the 'clashing of ideologies' idea, but a substantial number of community activists have been recruited to propagate it. Other Russian community leaders in Estonia have drawn up "Memorandum 14" which condemns the blatant intervention of Moscow into Estonia's internal affairs and calls upon citizens to stand together for Estonia.

"This is a clear line that Russians in Estonia drew between themselves and Putin and his propagation of a Soviet mentality. We mustn't nourish any illusions. For instance the Russian language editor of Postimees, Nikolai Karajev, recently wrote that he would rather attend the May 1st demonstration in Moscow than participate at Estonia's Song Festival and is grateful to the Soviet Union for its dream of a communist utopia. It's good that "closet Putinites" are in the minority. This makes it clearer who's who within the Russian community in Estonia."

Metlev is convinced that most Russians in Europe do not consider themselves in need of "protection or defence", as outlined in Russian legislation which permits the government to use military force when Russian communities abroad are perceived to be threatened. Metlev observes that these ex-patriot communities live within societies that honour democratic values and the rule of law. He sees Russians in Estonia benefiting from the freedoms and rights Estonia upholds, but still admiring Putin's record. He's convinced that the key question is how Russians could maintain a cultural cohesion and a spiritual relationship with their homeland while at the same time becoming Europeans and standing up for an open society.
www.kremlin.ru

In observing the opinions of different Russian speakers about Russia's aggression against Ukraine and the takeover of Crimea one must note the tolerance with which members of the Estonian parliament have received when contradicting the practical universal condemnation by Estonian speaking politicians of Russia's actions. Mihhail Stalnuhhin, a MP of Edgar Savisaar's Centre Party has been quoted as saying: “The Estonian media repeat, verbatim, The US State Department arguments and Estonians accept these positions without criticism. … At the same time information originating from Russia is gaining in trust. People see that it's more credible. … Russia's behaviour is respectable. … Their tactics are well thought out. They're confident in their power.”

Another Centre Party member of the European Parliament Yana Toom, voted against a resolution dealing with the Russia-Ukraine crisis in July. The rest of the Europarliament Liberal caucus, to which Yana Toom belongs, voted for the resolution which did not outright condemn, but called upon Russia to accept a Ukrainian peace plan, to put down their arms, and recall its soldiers from Ukraine. The resolution also restricted the sale of arms to Russia and supported the search for alternative energy sources for Ukraine. Toom is an ardent supporter of Moscow in its aggression against Ukraine.

A quarter of a century ago the intellectual and emotional base for Russians was securely anchored in the Soviet Union. That unassailable fact was destroyed. One had to re-orient oneself to another interpretation of history. One had to accept the right of tiny countries to independence. Now another centuries-honoured societal foundation was deeply wounded – the brotherhood of Russians and other Slavic nations had seriously suffered.

In the current changing international loyalties of Eastern Europe it's naïve to expect that Russians and Estonians think exactly alike. But Russian speakers in Estonia must understand that the right to express thoughts and opinions that aren't universally accepted is vigorously protected in Estonia, as long as those expressions are not attacking the integrity of Estonia as a nation itself. It's the Kremlin that won't allow a democratic opposition, not Toompea.

Laas Leivat

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